The Corona epidemic infected life on the planet in death more than a year ago, but the impact of the pandemic on some countries was worse, and for the United States, the Corona virus killed more than those killed by all of America’s wars, and the most dangerous thing is that it revealed the extent of the country’s fragility as a superpower.
Corona virus infections around the world have crossed the 120 million mark today, Sunday, March 14, 2021, and have killed more than 2.6 million people, and more than 96.6 million have recovered from it, according to the website. WorldMeters Corona. The United States continues to lead the world in terms of the number of infections with more than 30 million, and the number of deaths in the country has exceeded 546 thousand, which is an indication of the extent of the failure to deal with the epidemic, compared to the rest of the world, according to American observers.
A projected report for the site Responsible Statecraft The American entitled “What have we learned after a year of the epidemic?” Spotlight on the fact that the Corona epidemic has revealed, in a very lethal way, the areas of the most serious threats to the physical safety of Americans.
Corona kills many times more than America’s wars combined
The report compared the number of Americans who died due to the Corona pandemic and those who lost their lives in all the wars the country fought, explaining that those killed by Corona exceed in tens of times the number of Americans killed in all wars and for all reasons since the beginning of World War II, as the virus has proven to be more deadly to them. From the bullets of America’s enemies.
Given that it can be argued that many of these war deaths were at least the product of American action inasmuch as they were the product of a threat from an adversary – particularly a war of choice such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq – some subtle questions about the presumed threats are legitimate here: How many Americans died over At the hands of the Russians, or at the hands of terrorists, in light of the preoccupation with international terrorism during the past two decades? Here is one answer to the last question: If we calculate the average number of Americans killed from “Covid-19” over the entire year of the epidemic, we will find that it is equivalent to the occurrence of the attacks of 9 September every two days.
The traditional American way of perceiving threats makes it uncertain to what extent they will absorb the basic lessons learned from the pandemic, and Quincy Institute President Andrew Pacevich describes this traditional perception as coming from a military perspective and focusing primarily on distant nation-states. This method of perceiving animosities is rooted in American positions, and has roots in history, such as the fighting against the Axis Powers in World War II.
In addition, the military lens colorizes some discussions of nonmilitary threats rampant enough to crowd out a globally contagious disease. And that is climate change. If we ask about the implications of climate change for national security, the answer is likely to focus on something like the extent of the danger that sea level rise poses to the US naval base in Norfolk, home to the Atlantic Fleet.
National security does not only concern military matters
But this is a very truncated view of national security, as the security of the nation includes the ability of Americans to pursue their non-military professions, without the farmers’ crops wilting due to the increasing drought, for example.
Another persistent feature of the usual American style of perceiving threats is that everything must be zeroed in. Anything bad for the adversary – one of those distant nation-states – is unjustifiably presumed beneficial to the United States.
A recent example of this in the context of “Covid-19” is reflected in Debate Nicholas Gfosdev and Ray Takee said that the United States did well during the pandemic, because opponents such as Russia, China and Iran went through a worse year, for several reasons, including US sanctions and not just Covid-19. For example, they do not acknowledge in any part of the discussion that the additional suffering caused to the Iranians by the United States did not bring them any benefit in an issue like Iran’s nuclear activities, and rather was counterproductive.
The extreme zero-sum approach is evident in the article by Nicholas Gfossdev and Ray Takee, in the most clear way in the context of “Covid-19”, given that the epidemic caused by a virus that does not respect international borders is the most prominent possible evidence of the fallacies that this approach suffers.
Epidemiologists, even optimists, are concerned about the ability of the United States to control the disease within its borders, that the pathogen elsewhere will pose a constant threat of the situation spiraling out of control. The ineffectiveness of the travel ban in preventing the spread of the virus internationally was demonstrated by the Trump administration’s actions in this regard, which stemmed partly from xenophobia and partly from the attempt to reform a situation that was already out of control.
Confidence undermined in America globally
In this context, many analysts believe that Donald Trump’s loss in the last elections and his denial of winning a second term is due, at least in no small part, to his administration’s failure to deal seriously and scientifically with the epidemic and to the statements. Unscientific to the previous president Himself.
American soft power took its biggest blow after the United States recorded the largest number of infections and deaths caused by the “Covid-19” virus in the world so far, which showed its soft powers with the appearance of inefficiency. Even when looking at statistics on a per capita basis, such a record of dealing with the disease for a large, wealthy, strong, and scientifically advanced country was embarrassing.
Much of the cooperation that the United States receives, on a wide range of issues from other nations, is based on the other nation’s perception of the United States as a successful and effective force that can accomplish difficult tasks. Distorting this image will have hidden, but important, effects on the foreign relations of the United States in the coming months.
The uncertainty about how much of the lessons of the Covid-19 pandemic will be absorbed by most Americans is not only due to the usual inherent American way of viewing threats, but also to the rampant politicization of epidemic management.
This began with the former president’s underestimation of the seriousness of the epidemic, the active undermining of preventive measures imposed by government and local officials, and making the challenge of such measures a form of political or cultural expression. This continues with a clearly divided country, and political incentives in some parts have led to the abandonment of protection measures even when the epidemiological situation is very far from control.
The public and foreign governments notice all this; What worsens the image of the US administration’s weakness of the most serious public health crisis in decades, and the US performance during the epidemic has not been good, and the costs borne by the nation will exceed death and disease among its citizens, and will extend to its relations with the rest of the world.